Wilderness Lost – The 1870s

Chapter Seven:  Wilderness Lost — The 1870s
by Kay F. Reinartz, PhD
copied from Queen Anne:  Community on the Hill,
published 1993 by Queen Anne Historical Society, edited by Kay Reinartz

The 1870s proved to be a watershed in the history of Seattle and its environs, marking the transition from wilderness to urban development.  The troubled years following the Native American uprising had faded and, with the restoration of national peace after the Civil War, more people decided to take a chance on the Puget Sound country.  Thus, toward the end of the decade noticeably more newcomers arrived in Seattle looking for a chance for a new start — and land.  During this period all activities and development were confined to the lower south-sloping hill and the southern end of Lake Union.
Inez Denny provides a picture of the environment of the south slope of the hill in 1871, when her family moved into their house at Republican Street between Eighth and Ninth Avenues N.:
The claim reached from Lake Union to Elliott Bay,  about a mile and a half; a portion of it was rich meadow land covered with luxuriant grass and bordered with flowering shrubs, the fringe on the hem of the mighty evergreen forest covering the remainder.
Hundreds of birds of many kinds built their nests here, and daily throughout the summer chanted their hymns of praise.  Robins and wrens, song-sparrows and snow birds, thrushes and larks vied with each other in joyful song.  The western meadow larks wandered into this great valley, adding their rich flute-like voices to the feathered chorus.  Woodpeckers, yellow hammers and sapsuckers beat their brave tattoo on the dead tree trunks, and owls uttered their cries from the thick branches at night.
Riding to church one Sunday morning we beheld seven little owls sitting in a row on a dead limb of a tall fir tree about fourteen feet from the ground.  Winking and blinking they sat, silently staring as we passed by.  {We also saw] rare birds peculiar to the west coast, the rufous-backed hummingbird, like a living coal of fire, and the bush titmouse which builds a curious hanging nest, also visited this natural park.

In the 1860s and 1870s the settlers lived out their years in predictable cycles marked by clearing land, planting, cultivating, harvesting, and preserving food.  Most settlers drew on the abundance of nature and literally “lived off the land” for 30 years.  Homesteads were expanded with barns and outbuildings constructed to shelter growing herds of cattle and farm equipment.  The men were able to obtain more help with the clearing and farming from growing sons and newcomers.
The pioneer women found help with the homestead work by hiring Native American women.  Roberta Frye Watt, the Eden Hill Dennys’ cousin, reports that it was a slow process to train a native woman how to do housekeeping chores “correctly.”  Often they would wash the worn clothing with such vigor that they rubbed holes in the cloth.  If not watched closely they would lay the wet clothes on the ground to dry, often soiling them in the process.  Louisa Boren Denny reports, regarding the natives who she hired, “after they had learned how, [they] could wash the clothes as white as any of the modern steam laundries, and with less wear.”  When it came to floor washing, however, native women confined their efforts to the middle of the floor, and no amount of instruction could get them to wash in the corners.

Among the settlers in the 1870s who found their way to Eden Hill was the Wilcox family, who built their home on the east side of the hill overlooking the Lake Union wilderness.  Wilcox enclosed his house yard with a sturdy fence to keep the children from wandering into the woods and to keep the deer out of the garden.  Courtesy Ruth Wilcox and Willa Fassett

The arrival of Chinese men in the region proved to be a boon for the pioneer household for they relieved both the women and men of many of their more tiresome chores.  Brought to the United States as contract labor to build the railroads, by the 1870s Chinese men in the Puget Sound region formed a substantial source of domestic labor, which would later lead to trouble for them in the 1880s.
The Chinese were quick to learn the techniques of American-style housekeeping and, once trained, rarely deviated.  Moreover, they were generally very dependable and good-natured.  Called “China boys” by the settlers, they were appreciated by many.  They freed the women from the most onerous of the household chores, such as the bimonthly mountains of laundry, washing up from the cooking, and weeding the large garden, while the men were relieved of chopping and carrying wood and building fires.  Frequently a family’s China boy liked to take full charge of the house, including caring for the children.  Often a warm relationship was established between the family and its Chinese help, who would often come back to visit a family after moving on to another job.

David Denny commented in an interview in the 1890s that his family enjoyed splendid health and in 24 years they consulted a physician only four times.  These years included Louisa delivering children seven times, including twin boys.
The settlers in general were very healthy and there were infrequent injuries in the forest and around the homestead.  Some men, like Thomas Mercer, were skilled in home medicine.  Healing the sick was usually considered a part of women’s work, however.  It seemed that whenever the women got together they always spent some time discussing treatments for health problems, since most felt they could never know enough.  For their remedies pioneer women drew on foodstuffs and spices, as well as herbs and plant materials.

Between 1870 and 1890 Lake Union was destined to be transformed from a beautiful wilderness lake to a busy industrial area.   In 1872 the Seattle Coal and Transportation Company started the first commercial activity on the lake.  Coal was barged from the Renton mines up Lake Washington to Union Bay on the Addie.  After portage to Lake Union it was reloaded on the Linna C. Gray, a side-wheeled barge with narrow-gauge rail tracks bolted to the deck.  The Linna C. Gray docked near the intersection of Valley Street and Westlake Avenue, and when the coal cars rolled off the barge a locomotive hauled them over a wooden trestle up Westlake Avenue to Pike Street, and then on to the bunkers at the foot of Pike (Pike Place).  There the coal was loaded by hand into the holds of ships that took it to San Francisco and the East Coast markets.  Seattle Coal and Transportation shut down its Lake Union operation in 1877 when the Seattle and Walla Walla Railroad completed its road to Renton.
In the 1870s people moving to the outskirts of Seattle were looking for small farm acreages.  Lake Union attracted many, and by the mid-1870s homes began to dot the shores, with cultivated orchards and orderly gardens replacing the tangle of vine maple, salal, Oregon grape, and ferns.
The winter of 1875 was a hard one and the ice skates were brought out again.  Every evening bonfires blazed on the shores of Lake Union and skaters cut the ice in swoops and curves within the arc of light cast by the fire.  Young lovers found it convenient to drift off for a few minutes into the darkness down by the lake.  The cold soon drove them back to the warmth of the fire where noses, hands, and toes could be warmed up, and a cup of hot coffee was available from the big smoke-blackened pot nestled in the glowing coals.  Occasionally, a skater broke through the ice, but no one drowned.

When it was time for the Denny children to begin school, the family was living in Seattle in the winter and on the homestead in the swale during the growing season.  Louisa, who was a certified teacher in Illinois, taught her children and the younger Mercer daughters at home when they were living on their claims.  During the rest of the year the children attended the Seattle village school.
The Mercers and Dennys attended the Territorial University when in opened in 1860, where the older girls were in the secondary class and Inez and Madge Denny attended the large “infant” classes.  Each pupil had a small slate on which lessons were written, as paper was in short supply on the frontier and expensive.  The girls cleaned their slates with a sponge attached to the slate by a string and water kept in a little bottle in their pockets.  The boys, on the other hand, often did not bother with the sponge and water, but would spit on the slate or lick it off and dry it with a sleeve.  A favorite prank of the boys was to get up on the roof of the university and walk around the edge of the building to “show off.”
In the winter the classroom was a potpourri of odors from the home remedies for colds and coughs.  Red flannel bands saturated with turpentine or kerosene were wrapped around the necks of many pupils.  Others sported neat little bags of “assafidity” or camphor around their necks.  Some had been sent to school with small cotton bags of powdered sulfur in their pockets and instructions to “rub it on their hands anytime they touched anything” to ward off skin infections.  The scent of onions wafted over all.  Onions were a basic ingredient in most cough treatments.
The university also offered secondary schooling and teacher’s training.  In the winter of 1861 Dillis Ward studied for his teacher’s certificate and became one of the first to graduate from Washington Territorial University as a certified teacher.  Tom Mercer’s daughters and the Denny children all completed secondary school at the university.

It was a long way from the Ross farm to Seattle, and in 1878 Mary Ross decided to open a school for the younger children in her home.  A second-floor bedroom was converted into a schoolroom, and John built plank desks and benches from cedar growing on the farm.  Lima Penfield was hired as a teacher for $20 a month, plus room and board with the Rosses.
The neighbors sent their children over to Mary Ross’s home school and soon a larger place was needed.  With the help of neighbors, John built a small two-room schoolhouse on the Ross homestead which served until 1903, when a larger building was erected on the north side of today’s ship canal.
The older Ross children, like other young people on the north side of the hill pursuing a secondary education, made a two-hour journey over water and land to reach the Central School on Marion Street.  Arising around 5 o’clock in the morning, the girls would help their mother in preparing breakfast and school lunches while one of the boys milked the family cow.  Their five-mile route to school was as follows:  a walk to the shore of Lake Union where they would take their canoe and paddle to the south end of the lake; from there they walked up the narrow-gauge railroad track to Pike Street and then over to Marion Street.
The Ross children, like all of the children in the nineteenth century, did a great deal of walking.  For example, a really wonderful outing was to go over to play with the Smith girls at the cove.  From the Outlet the Ross children would follow a trail through the woods to the cove and then walk along the beach when the tide was out to the Smiths’ house — a trip of three to four miles, each way.

The Ross Family
In the spring of 1873, the Ross family moved from Seattle to their homestead on the north side of the hill.  That summer the family members lived in Ira Utter’s old dirt-floored cabin while John was completing their own two-room cabin on the south side of the Outlet, in the vicinity of Third Avenue W. and W. Dravus.  He soon built this five-bedroom house for his large family which eventually numbered 11 children.  Mary Jane McMillan Ross founded the first school  on Queen Anne Hill in this home near the Outlet in 1878, where her 11 children were educated together with the neighbor’s children.  The house was destroyed in 1915 during the construction of the Lake Washington Ship Canal.  John Ross died May 3, 1886 at age 59 and is buried on his donation claim in the historic Odd Fellows Lodge section of Mount Pleasant Cemetery.

In May 1877 Dillis and Sarah “Belle” Byles Ward returned to Seattle after seven years at the Skokomish Indian Reservation School.  Their family of five was increased by the birth of Mabel in June.  After a business venture fell through, Dillis began teaching grammar school the fall term at the rate of $65 a month.  For the next ten years, he divided his time between teaching, business ventures, and community service.  In the 1880s he would become a prominent Queen Anne leader and land developer.
Dillis Ward was an excellent teacher.  A Works Progress Administration writer’s project, which during the Depression collected the memoirs of northwest pioneers, recorded the following commentary on Ward by an anonymous former student:
D. B. Ward was accredited with being the best disciplinarian of any grade school teacher in the territory.  While the discipline he maintained was well nigh perfect, yet I never saw him display any temper.  He was always genial, often giving happy exclamations, his facial expression inviting and pleasing — yet his power of control over pupils was something extraordinary, and for years the annual presentation of the banner for highest degree of order and discipline maintained in school was presented to him.

In the 1870s Puget Sound was discovered by those seeking homes in the far west.  In 1867 Seattle had 400 residents; in 1874 there were 1800.  The population doubled or tripled almost yearly from 1870 forward.  Finally, after more than two decades of patient waiting by the early settlers, it happened — with the demand for building lots in the vicinity of Seattle, land value began to increase.
The entire district north of Seattle to Salmon Bay (Ballard) became officially known as North Seattle in this period of development.  Subdividing activity on the hill began slowly with nine plats filed between 1869 and 1881.  Most of the areas platted were on the south slope or top of the hill.
The first plat on record for North Seattle was D. T. Denny’s North Seattle Addition (Mercer St. to Denny Way, Warren Ave. to Elliott Bay), filed by David Denny and his father John on July 13, 1869.  The next year, James Law platted Law’s Second Addition in the first of a number of “wildcat subdivisions,” so-called because they were situated far from current development, “out where the wild cats live!”  Law’s land was situated on the top of the hill (Galer to Howe; 3rd W. to 9th W.).  Law had acquired the land under preemption in the 1860s for $1.25 an acre and sold 32 lots for an average of $10 a lot.
Conservative Thomas Mercer was closely watching the Seattle scene.  In August 1870 Mercer made his move.  He filed his first plat, named Eden Addition (Mercer to Aloha; 6th N. to Lake Union), and offered lots bordering on the southwest end of Lake Union for suburban homes.  In January 1871, Mercer filed Eden Second Addition (Aloha to Highland Drive; 6th N. to Lake Union).  The summer of 1871 witnessed brisk land sales in the immediate Seattle area, and between 20 and 40 real estate transactions were filed each week for lots selling from $50 to $500.

In 1872, 431 real estate sales were recorded for Seattle and environs.  The long-awaited real estate boom was on.  That year saw phenomenal growth in Seattle, with 74 buildings constructed:  39 houses, one church, one ice-skating rink, and the remainder for business enterprises.  Clarence Bagley observes that “the buildings, with a few exceptions. were better and more substantial than ever before, and the downtown district was being extended and the residence districts began to climb the hill.”
In November 1872, David Denny subdivided 500 acres of unimproved land on the shores of Lake Union, calling the plat Denny’s First Addition.  Denny promoted his subdivision by placing an elaborate advertisement in the newspaper describing the land and its advantages.  Prices ranged from $30 to $100 with the usual terms of the day — about ten percent down and monthly payments of $5.  In June of 1875 he platted Denny’s Second Addition and offered house lots for $50 to $100 each and land at $50 to $100 per acre, in five- or ten-acre parcels.  In July, hoping to stimulate building in his subdivisions, Denny offered a free second lot to all purchasers who would promptly build a house on their first.
Denny would soon regret having subdivided such large tracts at this early date, for he was now taxed at a per lot rate rather than at the farmland or unimproved vacant land rate.  As the land sold very slowly until the late 1880s, these taxes were a heavy burden and helped contribute to Denny’s financial collapse in the 1890s.
From 1876 to 1877, Belltown was the fastest-growing area of Seattle as well as its most favored residential neighborhood.  Named for William and Sarah Bell’s donation claim, it soon had the feel of a village with shops and its own school, which had been built for $2,700.  Directly north of Belltown, only small areas of Denny and Eden hills had been logged, and they remained covered with forest.
The great windstorm of 1875 marked a turning point for the north district.  In March of 1875 a hurricane ripped through Puget Sound.  The Post-Intelligencer reports that “it blew down thousands of trees, a number of houses, barns and small sheds were lashed to foam.”  Clarence Bagley comments that “when the storm was over, the whole country had undergone a change.  The timber was cleared so we could see the territorial university from the landing at Lake Union.  Fifty-six trees blew across the railroad track, from the lake to Fourth Avenue, nearly three quarters of a mile.  It took 14 men working steadily from daybreak to 2 p.m. to clear the track.”
During the winter of 1878-79 a large number of  houses were built along the rail line of the Seattle Coal and Transportation Company to Lake Union.  This was considered a superior building site.

George Kinnear, 42, working as county clerk of Woodford County, Illinois, had been following the development of the Northwest for several years.  In 1874 he visited Puget Sound and after looking around he purchased property on the south side of Eden Hill.  In 1878 he and his wife Angie Simmons, 34, sold all of their Illinois land and moved to Seattle with their sons Charles, nine, and George, six.
A few days after they landed, Kinnear and Charlie set off on foot to look at their land.  A short distance from where the Kinnear Mansion was to be built (Queen Anne Avenue between Roy and Aloha), the pair met Dr. Henry Smith driving his wagon into town.  Smith cordially introduced himself and regaled them with his favorite story about the day in 1853 he spent walking in a circle trying to find Seattle.  Smith later described Kinnear as “honest, energetic, kindhearted, clearheaded and generous.”
Kinnear lost no time in establishing himself as the hub of land development activity in the Seattle area.  He was a long, lean man who could walk through the woods all day without tiring.  With a keen eye he noticed where the slopes were and calculated which would be the most favorable districts for residential suburbs for the growing town.  In 1884 he subdivided his land as Kinnear’s Addition, built a road and launched a new era which would transform the wilderness of North Seattle forever into a residential district of Seattle.

The Denny Cabin

SW corner Queen Anne Ave and Republican St, ca. 1889. Log cabin of Denny’s son-in-law.

David T. Denny began dealing in real estate in the 1870s.  In 1889 his son-in-law Edward Lindsley, Abbie Denny’s husband, built David Denny a real estate office at Temperance Avenue (Queen Anne Ave.) and Republican Street.  The log cabin remained on its original site for 77 years, during which time it saw use as a church, school, tavern, and home.
In 1988, the old cabin occupied a lot whose owner announced his intention of demolishing the building and converting the land to parking.  The Queen Anne Historical Society was unsuccessful in its attempts to acquire and preserve the building.  The building was eventually bought by commercial interests in Federal Way which planned to use it as the centerpiece of an “Old West” theme shopping mall.  The plan was abandoned, however, and the cabin sat deteriorating for ten more years.  In 1992 the Federal Way Historical Society gained ownership of the cabin, relocated it, and began restoration work.  The cabin remains in Federal Way at the time of this writing.

A Washington Territory Civil War Hero Moves to the Hill
In 1873 David and Susie Mercer Graham moved back to Queen Anne Hill and built a home on Thomas Mercer’s donation claim at 320 Ward Street.  Capt. Joseph Dickerson, who had been living with them on their farm, also made the move.  A bachelor, Dickerson was an integral part of Susie and David’s family for 40 years.
Capt. Dickerson, as he was known, was honored in Washington Territory as a hero.  He served in the Civil War as the color bearer for the Washington and Alaska Division of the Grand Army of the Republic, the northern forces.  He was one of two soldiers from the Northwest honored with a gold medal for bravery in the field of battle.  President Abraham Lincoln presented Dickerson with the medal and raised him to the rank of captain for refusing to surrender the Union flag, although surrounded and under heavy fire, at the Battle of Antietam.  Dickerson died at 320 Ward Street in 1916.

A Pioneer Woman’s Garden
Keeping a garden was very important in maintaining a healthy diet for the pioneers.  Vegetable gardens nurtured their bodies and flower gardens nurtured their souls by providing beauty and memories of old homes left behind.

Above:  Louisa Boren Denny, 1828-1916
Louisa Boren led the way in developing beautiful flower gardens in the settlement on Elliott Bay.  Many of the cabin door gardens in Seattle and on Queen Anne Hill in the 1860s and 1870s were propagated from seeds and cuttings from Louisa’s garden.
Louisa built her flower garden from native plants she gathered in the wild as well as in the time-honored gardener’s way of exchanging seeds and plants with friends.  In addition to Sweetbrier roses there were pink Mission roses, brought to Fort Steilacoom by the mission fathers in the 1840s, which her brother Carson brought to her from Olympia.  From the woods came blue and yellow violets, and the fragrant lady’s slipper, the favorite flower of the pioneer children.  The arching stalks of the native false Solomon’s seal with its white star flowers leaned over delicate lavender Oregon iris, red columbine, and bleeding hearts.
In the spring the garden was a burst of color, with the fragrant purple lilacs and white spirea in the background, fronted by white trillium, erythroniums, and purple lupine.  The intense scarlet of the red currant exploded here and there in the garden, while the soft pink of the native rhododendron marked the corners of the cottage.  The native trumpet honeysuckle covered the garden gate.
White stones from the beach were carefully placed to form neat borders around the colorful beds.  With the help of an old Native American woman, Louisa carried from a distance rich soil black with humus.  Lime was obtained by crushing the oyster shells that lay on the beach in profusion.
When the Denny family moved to their farm on Lake Union around 1870, Louisa cultivated an even larger flower garden where “old and new garden favorites ran riot.”  This garden was resplendent with Japanese and ascension lilies and velvety pansies, and fragrant with roses of all varieties.  Louisa obtained from mail order catalogues fancy tulips, English violets, and other exotic plants.  Her scientific interest in plants was well developed and she often experimented with her plants, cross-breeding them and grafting freely.  Inez reports that wherever her mother cultivated a garden it elicited much enthusiastic praise.
When the Civic Auditorium, which was built on the site of the Dennys’ house in the swale, was dedicated, an elderly Clarence Bagley placed in the cornerstone a little sprig of Sweetbrier roses in memory of the gardener, Louise Boren Denny.

Seattle’s Sacred Wall

In a levy vote conducted in early February 2022, Seattle Public Schools secured $65,500,000 to upgrade Seattle High School Memorial Stadium at Seattle Center.   In anticipation of the vote, the City of Seattle (Seattle Center) and Seattle Public Schools signed a letter of intent (LOI) in October 2021, according to which the schools would relinquish control of the parking lot and the stadium while continuing to use the rebuilt stadium for games and graduation ceremonies.  According to the LOI, the city would take control of the site, add funds to the levy, and build a new stadium integrated into the Seattle Center landscape.  The city also agreed to pay the school district for the revenue lost from the 5th Avenue North parking lot and to give it land for a new high school at the former entrance to the Battery Street tunnel.  Now that the levy passed, the city and school district will iron out a final agreement.

Civic Field ca. 1928. Looking towards Lake Union

The new stadium will be the third one at this location.  The first, Civic Field (aka Civic Stadium), occupied the site from 1928 to 1947, when it was demolished.  Civic Field replaced an open pasture located between Republican St. and Harrison St. and 5th Ave. N. and 3rd Ave. N.   Home plate was in the southwestern corner.  The field had an extremely hard dirt surface (no grass) and wooden stands on its western and southern sides. Civic Stadium is reputed to have been the most hated place to play baseball in the Pacific Coast League.

Memorial Stadium ca. 1947. Courtesy MOHAI

The Queen Anne Historical Society recently toured the site in order to take an informed position about whether or not the stadium merits landmark preservation and to assess the potential infringement of a new building on other landmarks at Seattle Center:  the Space Needle, the Armory, the Monorail Station, two Monorail cars, and the recently renovated Coliseum (now called Climate Pledge Arena).

Actually, the self-guided tour was limited to the exterior of the huge field and included only one person, me.  My stadium experience includes innumerable high school soccer games in the early 1990s during which I was frequently chastised for not attending all of my son’s games.  My visits also involved the odd Bumbershoot concert over Labor Day weekends since 1971.  Unlike real Queen Anne old-timers, my tour included no memories of the 1962 World’s Fair such as the water-skiing show held four times a day in a special 100,000-gallon tank or the Fair’s opening and closing ceremonies in April and October.  I was definitely not one of the 20,000 people who attended Billy Graham’s Revival there on July 8.

Built in 1947 to be the centrally located ‘home field’ for the city’s high school football teams, the site now reads as two primary zones which are in fact separately owned by the school district. The large parking lot on 5th Ave. N. between Harrison and Republican streets is one lot while the stadium with its facing stands and cantilevered roofs and enhanced grassy area on the west end is the other.  

The stadium is the work of architect George W. Stoddard (1896-1967), a prolific Seattle designer remembered for his 1950 work on the south stands of Husky Stadium.  Its dramatic cantilevered roof may have been inspired by the ones at Memorial Stadium.  The western segment is enclosed by a wall dating from the Fair and is probably Paul Thiry’s design.

North Stand looking east –2022

The east, west, and southern sides of the field are significantly lower than most of Seattle Center.  In the early 2000s.  This change in elevation inspired community activists led by David Brewster to suggest a large subterranean garage here.  It would have replaced all the public parking structures surrounding Seattle Center and created vast opportunities for new open spaces!  I still like this idea and welcome a new stadium as long as it isn’t fenced like the old one is today.

There is little chance Brewster’s fantasy will be realized, but it does suggest that protecting the landmarks surrounding Memorial Stadium requires locating any new building on the parking lot along 5th Avenue.  Harmonizing with the Gates Foundation buildings and Frank Gehry’s MoPOP (the old EMP) will be a trick, but Seattle architects are surely up to that challenge.

The most important design element at the stadium is the memorial wall along the western edge of the parking lot.  It lists the names Seattle public school graduates who died in World War II and is the 1949 design of Marianne Hanson (1932-2015), then a student in her senior year at Garfield High School.

The Seattle Daily Times reported on October 7, 1949 that the school board had accepted Hanson’s design.  The paper noted that she competed against 59 other entrants and that construction would begin immediately.  The newspaper article begins with a call for the 57 names of Broadway High School students or alumni. Their names had apparently been lost when the high school closed and the building served another purpose. In 1949, only the names of the 700 known dead were to be inscribed. The school board planned to pay for the memorial with funds raised at upcoming 1949 Seattle All-State football championship game on Thanksgiving Day and those raised at the game in 1947 and 1948.

The names on the wall include graduates of Ballard (85), Cleveland (28), Franklin (102), Garfield (63), Lincoln (108), Queen Anne (98), Roosevelt (99) and West Seattle (60) high schools.  It is unclear if the names of the 57 Broadway High School graduates who died in the war were included on the wall.  According to a (renamed) Seattle Times article describing the dedication of the wall by Hanson on May 29, 1951, it was now inscribed with the names of 762 men.  Above the list of names, the wall is inscribed with “Youth Hold High Your Torch of Truth and Tolerance Lest their Sacrifice Be Forgotten.”

Wall Dedication noted in Seattle Times, May 30, 1951. 

Standing in the gruesome parking lot as you look west, Hanson’s name appears on the wall’s lower right-hand corner.  At 17, Hanson understood that a simple design is the best way to honor the men who had died defending our nation. 

By the time the wall was dedicated by Marianne Hanson on May 29, 1951 the list of names later became an important owner of art galleries, first in Seattle, then in San Francisco.

Marianne Hanson in 1952

The wall at Memorial Stadium is simply a sacred place.  As someone whose father served in WWII and who has close friends whose fathers died in that war, I am adamant that the wall be protected.  The new stadium must preserve the wall.  A new design would eliminate the rows of automobiles that conceal it, restore the fountains and fluted concave walls that frame them, and eliminate the hedge in front of it that makes in nearly impossible to read all the names.

Landmarking is the best way to honor the memory of the Seattle high school graduates who sacrificed their lives during WWII and to protect Hanson’s work.  It creates a rare opportunity to protect a work that documents the female influence in design which in Hanson’s instance lasted until her death in 2015.

Oregon Trail Migrants to Puget Sound Country

Published 1993 by Queen Anne Historical Society, edited by Kay Reinartz PhD

Chapter Three
“Oregon Trail Migrants to Puget Sound Country”
by Kay F. Reinartz PhD

Why did Americans Emigrate to the West?
Some were prompted by mere love of change, many more by a spirit of enterprise and adventure; and a few, I believe, knew not exactly why there were thus upon the road.  With these reasons was more often mixed up a very important element — a desire to occupy the country as a basis of title in the dispute between the government of the United States and that of Great Britain.
Jesse Quinn Thornton
Oregon Trail Emigrant, 1846

As explorers and settlers found their way into Puget Sound they soon concluded that Elliott Bay offered the best harbor on the Sound.  In 1851 two parties established settlements on Elliott Bay.  In June, the Collins party arrived, composed of Luther and Diana Borst Collins and their children Lucinda and Stephen, Jacob and Samuel Maple, and Henry Van Asselt.  This group selected land in the Duwamish River Valley, with the Collins’ homestead located near what later became Boeing Field.
The following November, the second group, the Denny-Boren party, landed at Alki Point.  This group of seven men, five women, and twelve children included the first settlers destined to establish their homestead on Queen Anne Hill, Louisa Boren and David Denny.
Why did these Americans venture to the northwest wilderness of Puget Sound, which was not a part of the United States at this time?  The answer is found in the history of the region and in almost two hundred years of its exploration.
The first known Europeans to cross the 42nd parallel north (the present-day California-Oregon border) was the explorer Ferrero in 1543.  Shortly thereafter Sir Francis Drake viewed the California coast, and other explorers from Spain and England soon followed.  The Spanish were the most active in exploring the northwest coastal waters, and in 1775 Bruno de Heceta landed near the present Point Grenville.  The year before, Juan Jose Perez Hernandez had observed Nootka Harbor on the west coast of Vancouver Island but did not go ashore.  In the final decades of the eighteenth century, the Russians began establishing outposts along the Alaskan coast, which were administered from New Archangel (Sitka).  By 1800 the Russians were looking farther south, which concerned the Spanish.
In 1778 Capt. James Cook reached Nootka Harbor and, going ashore, claimed the area for England.  George Vancouver sailed into Puget Sound in May 1792, naming many prominent natural features and also claiming that area for England.
The same year a momentous event occurred when the American, Robert Gray, discovered a very large river flowing into the Pacific.  Convinced that he had found the long-sought “Great River of the West,” he named the river Columbia for his ship the Columbia Rediviva.  Gray’s exploration of this and a subsequent trip in 1792 became a key factor in the American claim to the vast area that was called Oregon Country.  The American claim was strengthened by President Thomas Jefferson’s Lewis and Clark Expedition of 1804-06.  The first permanent American settlement in the Northwest was Astoria, Oregon, a fur trading center established by John Jacob Astor in 1811.
Around 1818 the first American settlers arrived in the region later known as Washington.  However, north of the Columba River, the American influence was minimal.  Under these circumstances the Hudson’s Bay Company maintained unchallenged control over the Oregon Country wilderness, which extended from the 42nd parallel north to about the 54th parallel (present-day Prince Rupert, B.C.) into the early 1840s.
Increasing tension over occupation rights in the 1830s prompted the Americans to take dynamic action to solidify their interests and control over the area in 1843, the year the Oregon Trail opened.  A provisional government was set up that was actually a republic within a republic, since the status of the region had not been determined at this time.  In 1844 the newly-created territorial legislature met at Oregon City, drafted a code of laws, elected officers to govern, and enacted a law defining boundaries.  In 1846, after several years of negotiating, the 49th parallel north was agreed upon by the United States and England as the compromise boundary between parallels 42° and 54°40′.  Thus, control over the vast region below the 49th parallel passed from the Hudson’s Bay Company to the Americans.

Traveling along the banks of the Arkansas River the summer of 1852, the Ward pioneer party encountered an immense herd of buffalo — possibly a half-million animals — in Dillis Ward’s estimation.  Seeing that it was impossible to drive around the herd, the wagons drove into its midst, finding that the huge bison stepped back to allow them to pass through — like the waters of the Red Sea parting — according to one observer.  The wagon train entered the herd at two p.m. and was clear of it after four and a half hours of steady travel.  Original illustration by Vonnie Anderson Burns
In the interest of hastening the settling process, thereby assuring possession of the northwest, the United States government passed a series of very generous land grant acts to attract settlers to this remote region.  Most of the land in the Puget Sound area was acquired by the pioneers under one of three land acts:  the Donation Land Grant Acts of 1850 and 1851, the Preemption Land Act of 1855, and the Homestead Act of 1862.  Land was also obtained under the Timber Culture Act of 1873.
Historic records reveal many instances of settlers on Queen Anne saying they had “donation claims” when in fact their claims were preemption claims or obtained under the Homestead Act.  Donation claim law required only paying for registration fees.  The land itself was free.  In contrast, land acquired under the Preemption Land Act cost $1.25/acre.  Early settlers who qualified for land under the Donation Act could acquire an additional 160 acres under preemption law and an additional 160 acres after 1862 under the Homestead Act.
It is noteworthy that the 1850 act was only the second time in American history that Congress had given away land to encourage settling in a region.  There were 1,018 donation land grants made to individuals under the 1850 and 1955 laws, a total of 300,000 acres of the most accessible land in Washington Territory.  The vast majority of these grants were made to settlers in the region bordering on Puget Sound, with only 13 donation land grants being made in eastern Washington.
The conditions and qualifications required to acquire land under the legislation controlled the settlers’ way of life throughout the first two decades of settlement on Puget Sound.  The law required that the claimant live on his or her land the majority of the year and make substantial improvements, i.e., clearing the natural vegetation and planting crops.  This process, known as “proving up,” lasted seven years, after which time clear title, i.e., patent, was granted.  The typical pattern for married couples was that the woman lived year-round on the claim alone or with the children, while her husband worked out in the logging camps or sawmills to earn needed cash.
Often claim law deadlines were not strictly enforced because of the difficulties in reaching the filing office which was initially in Salem.  Later, filing was done at the King County Seat, Seattle.
The beauty and outstanding abundance of natural resources in the Puget Sound country began to be widely known during the 1849 California Gold Rush, but the difficulties of reaching Puget Sound and the shortage of suitable farm land held people back.
Overland travel was blocked by dense mountain vegetation which made journeys by wagon nearly impossible.  Water travel was considerably easier, but had its own set of dangers and drawbacks.  Regardless of the route a settler took, the journey to Puget Sound was more complicated and dangerous than to other western areas open to homesteading.  Settlers began trickling in during the 1840s, but Puget Sound Country did not attract settlers in significantly large numbers until the 1880s, after more accessible western lands were taken up and the railroad provided a fast, safe means of transportation.
Puget Sound settlers had two sea alternatives to the overland trail — around Cape Horn or through the Isthmus of Panama.  The Horn route often took a year, while the Isthmus route took four to six weeks.  Sea travel cost more and presented real and imagined dangers for non-seafaring people.  In addition, they were limited in the tools and equipment they could bring by ship, which excluded draft animals and heavy wagons.  On the Puget Sound frontier, farming equipment and farm animals were scarce and expensive.
The historic migration of people across the Great Plains and Rocky Mountains to the Northwest began with the first wagon train out in 1842.  Each Spring from this year forward until 1883, when the transcontinental railroad was completed to the Northwest, ever larger numbers of daring men, women, and children set off for the west coast.  In response to the Oregon Territory Donation Land Act of 1851, during 1852 the trickle of migrants swelled to a veritable river.
A good crossing started in the early Spring, when the green prairie grass provided food for the animals.  The goal was to arrive in the Northwest in late August or September, with enough time to get situated before Winter.  Those people who made their way to Elliott Bay typically traveled by wagon to the Columbia River, thence down the river on barges, or followed the Barlow Road alongside the river.  At Portland they caught a steamer for Puget Sound.  By the late 1850s a road, barely passable by heavy wagon and a strong team, had been cut through the forest from the Cowlitz River to Olympia via Chehalis, and settlers drove their teams to Puget Sound Country.
The 2,000 mile overland journey to the Northwest normally took from four to six months, with ten miles the average distance in a 12-hour day.  Most families had a heavy wagon pulled by a team of horses or oxen and many drove milk cows and additional draft animals alongside.  To reduce the weight of the load and break the monotony of riding the jostling wagon, most of the adults and children in a wagon walked much of each day.
Prominent among the dangers implicit in the journey were route hazards, the weather, hostile natives, and disease.  Larger wagon trains were safer from attacks by native tribes, while smaller ones made better time and had less trouble feeding the stock with available vegetation.  More people died from disease, particularly cholera, than from all the other hazards together.  An additional health hazard for women was pregnancy.  Approximately one-third of all the married women began the journey in various stages of pregnancy.  Many gave birth along the trail.
The Oregon Territory Surveyor General’s report for October 23, 1852 notes that in 1852, 777 married couples filed for 640-acre claims and 202 single men filed for 320-acre claims under the 1850 Donation Land Act.  Under Section 4 of Oregon Territorial Law, 80 couples filed for 320-acre claims and 20 single men for 160-acre claims.
The census taken the Summer of 1853, a few months after Washington Territory was established, found that there were 3,965 settlers in the new territory.  The county census shows King County, with 170 people, was one of the most sparsely populated.  Other county populations were Clark, 1,134; Island,195; Jefferson, 189; Lewis, 616; Pacific, 152; Pierce, 513; and Thurston, 996.
Numbered among the vanguard of 1852 who were destined to become the first European-American residents of Queen Anne were:  Louisa Boren and David Denny, later married; Thomas Mercer and daughters Mary Jane, Eliza, Susannah, and Alice; Dr. Henry Smith, Abigail Teaff Smith, his mother, and Ellender Smith, sister; and John Ross and Mary McMillan, who would later marry.
Four other young people who crossed to Oregon Territory in the Summer of 1853 would assume prominent nineteenth century roles in Queen Anne community life.  These were Clarence Bagley; Hester Ward, who became Thomas Mercer’s second wife; and Hester’s brother Dillis B. Ward and Sarah Isable Byles, who would later marry.  Nine-year-old Sarah Byles was a member of the famous Longmire party that made the first crossing through Naches Pass, where the wagons had to be lowered with ropes down the cliffs.
Narratives of the experience of traveling to Puget Sound Country over the Oregon Trail have been left by four of the first-comers to Queen Anne — Clarence Bagley, David and Louisa Boren Denny, and Dillis B. Ward.  The motivations for undertaking the move to the Northwest, as well as the character of the people, their intelligence, spirit, courage, and resourcefulness are reflected in their accounts of the journey west.  These early community residents are a part of that great American nineteenth century spirit — the Westward Movement — and their stories are tales of pure adventure.  They are an important part of the Queen Anne community’s frontier heritage.
Louisa Boren and David Denny were members of the Denny-Boren wagon train, consisting of four wagons, seven men, four women, and four children including two babies, six weeks and four months old.  The wagon party members were all Denny-Boren kissin’ kin, with the families being connected by several marriages.  They lived in Cherry Grove, Illinois.  John Denny was the wagon train captain.  By the standards of the day, a wagon train of only four wagons was considered far too small for safety.  Undoubtedly, the outstanding physical and emotional health, as well as the intelligence and frontier knowledge and skills that characterized the women and men of this pioneer party were a major factor in the safe journey of this group.
The family had been much encouraged to “pull up stakes and head to the Oregon County” by the glowing accounts in letters written by old friends who had gone west and were already homesteading in the Willamette Valley.  They were also influenced by Gen. John C. Fremont’s travel accounts.  Finally, John Denny and son Arthur both wishes for a change from the rigorous Illinois climate which caused them frequent lapses into malarial fever, commonly called ague.
The months of preparations that preceded the journey to Oregon Country are described in the words of Louisa Boren’s great-niece Roberta Frye Watt, as told to her by her mother Catherine Denny:
Hams were cured; blankets were woven, warm comforters made; and the household linen replenished.  The women sewed far into the night making stout garments for themselves and the children.  Even the children’s little fingers were kept busy cording wood and piecing quilts.  The cobbler came and made shoes for the whole family.  New harnesses were bought and the wagons were provided with strong, heavy springs.
The old homes were sold.  The household good were scattered among friends and relatives, for only the things that were absolutely necessary and those that could be packed conveniently into the covered wagons were kept.  Most of the provisions were crammed into sacks to save the weight of boxes….  It was a saying in those days that nothing must be taken that was not worth a dollar a pound.
Years later, Louisa Boren and David Denny, sitting in their home [Denny Log Cabin – Queen Anne Ave & Republican St] near Lake Union, were to tell their children the story of the journey with its many adventures.  One such story was of how David, driving his four-horse team in the teeth of a driving hail storm, almost lost control of the animals as they reared and plunged, attempting to escape from their unseen, icy attackers.
The mountains were a real wonder to the party.  Inez Denny, daughter of David Denny and Louisa Boren Denny, tells us that her parents found that “as they approached the upheaval mountainous country, they had a lively interest, a keen delight in the novelty of their surroundings, and surprise at unexpected features were aroused in the minds of the travelers.”  Getting the wagons over these mountains required endless ingenuity and patience.  Louisa told her children, “What grinding, heaving and bumping over huge boulders!  What shouting and urging of animals, what weary hours of tortured endurance dragged along!”
Crossing great arid stretches required special preparations.  They crossed the Green River desert in one night — 30 miles of “push” traveling by dim starlight.  Finally, they reached the other side.  Smelling water the horses dashed uncontrollably into the river, taking the wagons with them.
As the journey became routine and the party crossed the Great Plains, the early exuberance waned.  Inez Denny recorded for her parents:
Summer came on apace and the landscape became brown and parched….  Long days of travel followed the monotonous expanses of prairie, each with scarcely varying incidents, toils, and dangers.  The stir of starting in the morning, the morning forward movement, the halt for a noonday meal, cooked over a fire of buffalo chips. and the long weary afternoon of heat and dust whose passing brought the welcome night, marked the journey through the treeless region.
The day after the Fourth of July, an old Shoshone visited the camp, hanging around all day.  He was friendly and caused no trouble, leaving by nightfall.  The next morning, as the women were preparing breakfast, a single young brave rode into camp with a strong of ponies, which he explained he wanted to trade for Louisa Boren.  He became very angry when he was rejected, and Louisa, concerned that he might swoop down on her with his horse and carry her off, quickly got into the wagon.  While David stood guard by the wagon the group quickly hitched the horses and got underway “at a good smart pace.”  The brave followed the wagon train for several miles before accepting his failure to secure the beautiful Louisa for his wife.  A short time after this incident, the wagon train was joined by the John Low wagon train which added two wagons and eight more people to the Denny-Boren Party.

original illustration by Darcanne Preble
Death Along the Trail
The Denny-Boren pioneer party members were frequently saddened along the Oregon Trail by the numerous lonely graves of pioneers who, like themselves, began with high hopes but stopped forever along the way.  One day they came upon an isolated grave on the side of a mountain piled high with stones to protect from the ravages of wolves.  The party shared a feeling of deep solemnity and gathered around the grave, where they prayed for the departed and joined in singing an old song:
I came to the place
Where the white pilgrim lay,
And pensively stood by his time,

When in a low whisper I heard something say,
‘How sweetly I sleep here alone.’

On August 11, 1851, the wagon train arrived at The Dalles, 1,765 miles and 80 days after they pulled out of Cherry Grove.  They had lost no animals or people; there were no serious injuries or fatal illnesses; they still had food, money, energy, and enthusiasm.  The group had averaged an amazing 18 miles a day — a record few parties could report.
The party traveled down the Columbia to Portland with the women and two men traveling by boat, while the rest of the men drove the wagons on the rough Barlow Road.  Because of the drunken boatmen one of the boats almost went over the falls.  However, Louisa Boren detected the fact they had overshot the pull-out point and forced the drunkards to pull ashore, thereby saving the entire party.  At Portland the party temporarily settled in, while David Denny, John Low, and Lee Terry, who was traveling with Low, went ahead to Puget Sound to scout for a favorable place for their settlement.
It was estimated that over 50,000 emigrants took the overland trail the Summer of 1852.  Among those was the Bethel party.  Clarence Bagley observed that the party could well have been named the “Seattle Party,” for more than half of the members eventually settled in Seattle, and many played key roles in the development of the city.  Foremost among these were future Queen Anne residents Thomas Mercer and his daughters Mary Jane, Eliza, Susannah, and Alice; Dexter Horton, Eliza Shoudy Horton, and daughter Rebecca; William Shoudy; Rev. Daniel Bagley, Susannah Whipple Bagley, and son Clarence.
In 1850 Rev. Bagley had decided to answer the call of his church for volunteer missionaries for Oregon Territory and began recruiting people for his party from his congregation in Princeton, Illinois.  Thomas Mercer was among the men in Bagley’s congregation struck with “Oregon Fever.”
Susie Mercer reported from family discussions in the Winter of 1851 that her father was persuaded to go to Oregon Territory for three main reasons:  to escape the fever and ague that plagued the Mississippi Valley; better economic opportunities; and the offer of free land in Oregon Territory.  Moreover, Oregon Territory was widely promoted by the government because of the boundary dispute with England.
While the men were enthusiastic about going west, the women, including Nancy Brigham Mercer, Thomas Mercer’s wife, were less eager.  They were more objective than the men about the real hazards of the journey, as well as the hardship of living on the frontier.  They realized it would be considerably more difficulty to feed, clothe, educate, and keep their families healthy in far-flung Oregon, not to mention the strenuous six-month journey.

Thomas Mercer, approximately age 75

From the beginning, Thomas Mercer made a great effort to put together a strong, well-planned, well-equipped, healthy wagon train.  He carefully researched the requirements of the trip and concluded that the common key errors were failure to plan for a healthy balanced diet throughout the trip, lack of medical knowledge and supplies to treat illnesses that occurred, and overloading the wagons.  With this in mind, in addition to the usual supplies, they packed quantities of dried fruit, a variety of legumes, and whole wheat and rye flour.  Many wagon trains survived for months on red or white beans, salt pork, and white flour bread.
On April 20 1852, the final goodbyes were said and the Bethel party wagon train pulled out of Princeton.  The party consisted of 14 prairie schooners, the Bagleys’ spring coach, 44 horses, 22 men, seven women, and eight children.  All of the women were married but one.  Almost all the members of the Bethel party were related to other members of the group.  Additional wagons would join the group along the route, eventually making a total of 38 wagons.
Thomas Mercer, 39, was elected wagon captain, which made him responsible for all decisions made — starting and stopping time, guard duty schedules, and settling disputes, although there were very few among the well-acquainted and religious members of the Bethel party.  Mercer’s logs of the trip were found in his house on Queen Anne Hill by his daughter Susie years later.
Contamination  of the water supply with human and animal waste by earlier wagon trains made cholera the scourge of the Oregon Trail in the 1850s.  The worst year was 1852, and members of the Bethel party report that at times they drove for hundreds of miles between unbroken rows of graves.  Looking for a way to pass the time, Susie Mercer, ten, and Clarence Bagley, nine, decided they would count the graves, with each child keeping count of one side of the road.  The total for the day was 120.
The Bethel party had no deaths from cholera or other causes.  Thomas Mercer and Daniel Bagley both had a good understanding of basic medicine and they had packed into the wagons large quantities of treatment ingredients.  At the first suggestion of cholera, they administered an effective herbal treatment consisting of a compound of hot bitter bark and roots simmered in water, which was then drunk.  If taken soon enough, it was very effective in curing the disease.  Many members of the Bethel party came down with cholera, but prompt and frequent administration of this herbal medicine overcame the deadly disease.
The Bethel party, prompted by their strong belief in treating one’s fellow man with love, administered their medicine to many sick migrants they met along the trail  A few paid them, but they expected to payment.  For years afterwards, Mercer and Bagley were often approached by total strangers who thanked them for saving their lives, or that of a friend or relative, on the Oregon Trail.
The party included many children and school was carried on during the journey, with studies beginning after they crossed the North Platte River.  The older children taught the younger from graded readers and arithmetic books, and the adults helped the young teachers with their own lessons and advised them in teaching the little ones.  Years later Clarence Bagley recalled that he and the other children received a broad education in plant and animal life during the course of the long journey.  In addition, they learned practical skills, as they were called upon to assist with work around the camp.
The wagon train reached Fort Dalles, regarded as the end of the overland trail, on September 3, 1852, less than five months after their departure.  The Bethel party averaged 12 to 15 miles per day, in spite of the fact that they did not travel on Sunday.  No one had been seriously ill or died, and they had lost only a single animal.
Their good luck turned at The Dalles.  The weather had turned cold and wet, and Nancy Brigham Mercer became seriously ill with pneumonia, being drenched by river spray during the ten-hour journey down the Columbia River.  Alarmed at his wife’s condition, Mercer sent the main party ahead while he, their daughters, and Eliza and Dexter Boren remained behind to nurse Nancy.  Nancy had been a strong, healthy woman but the long arduous journey had weakened her constitution and she died on September 21.  She was 34 years old.
Autumn was in the air, however, and there was little time for lingering.  They buried Nancy on the bank of the Columbia River and joined the others in Salem.  Leaving his daughters in Eliza Horton’s care, Thomas Mercer almost immediately took a ship to Elliott Bay to look for a claim.  There he met David Denny, who took him up to the area north of the Seattle settlement where Mercer found land to his liking on a beautiful small lake not far from Puget Sound.  Having made friends with the settlers, with whom he quickly established good rapport, Mercer declared he would return in March to build a cabin and prepare a home for his children, and then sailed back to Portland.
In the Summer of 1853 the Ward party made its way to Oregon from Batesville, Arkansas.  Among the travelers were Hester Ward, 27, and her half-brother Dillis B. Ward, 15, who wrote an account of their journey 50 years later, published in 1911 as Across the Plains in 1853.  In 1959 the pair would come to Seattle and Queen Anne Hill, where they would make their mark in community history.
The extended Ward family’s decision to move to Oregon was strongly influenced by health problems and disagreements with their church.  The Wards were adamantly opposed to slavery and very angry when the Methodist Protestant Church decided to split into two branches, with the southern supporting slave ownership.  The Wards’ feelings were not shared by their neighbors, since the family was living in a pro-slavery region.  In addition, after the Wards had moved to Arkansas, scarcely a month passed when some member of the family was not sick with malarial fever.
About this time the Wards read a glowing description published in their church newspaper of the many attractions the Willamette Valley held for homesteading.  Dillis relates that in the Summer of 1852 they held “a brief family council, in which father, mother, and the older children were all eard.”  The mutual agreement was to move to Oregon Territory, and in the following months of preparation “little was thought of or talked about except Oregon and how we were going to get there.  In the innocence of our childhood, we [children] looked upon the whole affair as a great picnic excursion.”
Like so many of the emigrant groups that took the Oregon Trail in those early years, the Ward party was composed of several extended families connected by friendship and family ties.  The party consisted of 25 persons, seven of whom were the children of Jesse Ward’s three marriages and his third wife’s children by her previous marriage.  Half of the party was young children — 13 in all — plus four women, eight men, and eight wagons.  Early in the journey the party was joined by other immigrants, making up a final wagon train of 18 wagons, 22 men, and 35 women and children.
The Wards left Arkansas March 9 1853, and reached Salem, Oregon Territory, September 30th.  The seven months on the trail were marked by numerous adventures, including hair-raising close calls with hostile Native Americans.  Through a combination of luck, quick thinking, and courageous action by many party members, there was no violence and no lives lost.  At the time of Hester Ward’s death, on November 13, 1897, the Post-Intelligencer printed an extensive account of this remarkable woman’s life.  Included was her story of confrontations with local tribes while traveling on the Oregon Trail.  The newspaper account is verified by Inez Denny’s memories of Hester Ward Mercer.
Hester’s younger half-brother Dillis wrote his version of the same stories in Across the Plains in 1853.  It is interesting to note that Dillis’s version omits the role that Hester and other unnamed women played in saving two young women from abduction by native men.  His account credits only the men for the rescue.
Hester’s version of the incident is given here.  About eight miles east of the North Platte River the Ward wagon train encountered a hostile Arapaho war party returning to their camp.  After harassing the wagon train, they were frightened by the train’s bugler blasting on his horn.  the emigrant train’s trouble with the Native American had only begun.
Down in the valley through which the pioneers were compelled to travel they saw many little tents.  Other Indians were camped there.  The old chief and his party accompanied the emigrants.  Every Indian showed an ugly disposition.  The emigrants were compelled to stop in the midst of the tends in the valley.  The old chief explained through an interpreter that his people had just come back from a great battle.  They were hungry, he said, and wanted food and the emigrants would have to give it to them, for were not these whites, he said, passing through the sacred land of the Indian?
The Ward party was a small one, it could muster but 22 men.  Each man was well armed, but the Indians were mixing up with them and it would have been impossible to get together for united action.  It was necessary to submit to the wishes of the Indians.  Bacon, sugar, flour, and crackers were given up and the old chief divided them among his people.
While this division was being made, young braves were busying themselves by annoying the members of the party.  Among the white people was a young woman who had charge of two horses attached to a light covered wagon.  Several of the braves took a fancy to her.  They gave the whites to understand that any woman who could drive horses was all right and must not go any farther.  Mr. Ward and his mean had a hard time keeping the Indians from stealing the girl.  Once they crowded around her and for a time it was though she would be taken by force.  Several of the women went to her rescue.  [Hester] was in the rescue party.  She [along with the other women] shoved the Indians right and left and in the end the girl was rescued and smuggled into a closed wagon, where she remained concealed for some hours.
Another young woman in the party had beautiful auburn hair.  An Indian warrior took a fancy to here, and thought she was the finest woman he had ever seen, and said that his people would compromise if she was given to him for a wife.  Again there was trouble and the girl had to be hidden in a closed wagon.
The Indians kept up their annoyance of the party for some time, but finally their hunger got the better of them and they sat down to et the food which the Ward party had under compulsion given them.
The Indian chief consented that the white people should take their departure.  They were quick to do so and were soon some distance from the Indian camp.
In addition to trouble with native men, the Ward party experienced other disasters, such as one evening when all of their animals stampeded without observable provocation.  Left without any means of moving their wagons, the stranded party waited for almost a week while some of the men traveling miles on foot, managed to round up enough of their horses and oxen to move on.  Several wagons had to be abandoned because their were no animals to pull them.
The Ward party arrived at their destination, Salem, on September 30, 1853.  Hester and Dillis settled down on the Jesse Ward homestead with their extended family for the next six years.  The two would come to Seattle in the Summer of 1859 to blend their history with that of other Queen Anne Hill settlers.